Introduction
In recent years, Papua New Guinea has faced a range of serious challenges concerning gender-based violence, an issue that has also received significant attention in national and international reports and has emerged as one of the country’s major social concerns. Various patterns of violence against women and girls have developed within a complex context shaped by cultural, economic, structural, and historical factors. In some regions, deeply rooted traditional beliefs have further intensified the complexity of this situation.
In certain local communities, specific interpretations of traditions and beliefs have, at times, contributed to practices whose consequences for women’s security and well-being have become subjects of serious discussion and examination. These circumstances have led human rights organizations, civil society actors, and national authorities in recent years to place greater emphasis on strengthening protection mechanisms, increasing public awareness, and reconsidering existing approaches.
Domestic and international responses and initiatives have largely focused on improving social security, preventing violence, and supporting vulnerable groups. Consequently, Papua New Guinea has increasingly become a case examined in discussions concerning gender-based violence and efforts to promote human rights standards.
Incidents
- Domestic Violence and Gender-Based Violence
Domestic violence and gender-based violence in Papua New Guinea represent one of the country’s most serious social crises and are considered exceptional in terms of their severity, prevalence, and deeply rooted nature. For this reason, Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders) has described Papua New Guinea as “one of the most dangerous places in the world for women and girls[1].”
Traditional patriarchal structures, weak law enforcement, limited access to protection and healthcare services, and the country’s geographical and cultural diversity have collectively contributed to transforming domestic violence into a persistent national challenge. A significant proportion of women and girls face risks within family and social settings, while the capacity of formal institutions to provide protection, prevention, and legal follow-up remains highly limited.
Although accurate and reliable data remain limited, estimates suggest that approximately 60 percent of women aged 15 to 49 in Papua New Guinea have experienced some form of physical or sexual violence during their lifetime—a rate nearly twice the global average[2].
In Jiwaka Province, which was separated from Western Highlands Province in 2012, cases of violence linked to accusations of sorcery have been reported. In such cases, elderly women are often subjected to violent attacks due to allegations that they have practiced witchcraft; however, men and younger women may also become targets of this form of violence[3].
Despite the efforts of some civil society and international organizations, this phenomenon continues to exist within the daily lives of many local communities and remains one of the major obstacles to achieving justice, human security, and sustainable development in Papua New Guinea.
Fiona (not her real name) still remembers the nights when she wandered through the dark streets of Port Moresby, the capital city, hungry, vulnerable, and with nowhere to go, after her husband beat her and forced her out of their home. She says that her partner frequently drank alcohol and abused her. According to Fiona, her husband kept weapons at home, including knives, belts, and plastic hoses—objects he used to beat her whenever she refused to engage in sexual relations with him[4].
The prominent human rights activist Ruth Kissam states that gender-based violence—including domestic violence, sexual violence, and killings resulting from accusations of sorcery—affects all layers of society. Such violence often goes unreported because women fear retaliation or lack confidence in the justice system[5].
This lack of trust in state institutions is not without reason. For example, in one case, it was revealed in May 2024 that the Department for Community Development and Religion had spent 2.5 million kina (the country’s currency), which had been allocated for programs addressing gender-based violence, on travel expenses and other miscellaneous costs[6].
The scale of gender-based violence in Papua New Guinea is so extensive that some observers have described it as reaching the level of an epidemic. In one study conducted as part of the United Nations Multi-Country Study on Men and Violence, a significant proportion of men surveyed in Papua New Guinea reported having committed sexual violence; in some samples, this figure was estimated at approximately 41 percent. Some studies conducted in Papua New Guinea have also reported that around 7.7 percent of male participants in research samples acknowledged having committed sexual violence against other men[7].
The Sexual Offences Squad/Unit at the Boroko Police Station in the capital examined 152 cases involving 141 male perpetrators and 11 female perpetrators. The findings indicated that among the victims, 60 individuals had experienced physical violence, 46 had experienced psychological violence, and 45 had experienced a combination of physical and psychological violence[8].
- Bride Price Tradition
In addition to the cases mentioned above, the culture of the people of Papua New Guinea includes an old and widespread tradition known as “Bride Price”, which reflects the persistence of customs rooted in discrimination and gender-based inequality.
As the term suggests, bride price refers to a practice in which the groom’s family provides shell money (traditional currency) and other valuable goods to the bride’s family. Through adherence to the bride price tradition, an agreement is established between two clans, creating a reciprocal relationship based on exchange.
This tradition places expectations on women to perform their roles as labor providers and reproductive partners in accordance with social expectations. Consequently, when a woman fails to fulfill these traditional responsibilities, she may face abuse from her husband[9].
These customs, which bring two families together through the exchange of money, pigs, and agricultural products[10], can function as a mechanism that reinforces a woman’s obligation to remain committed to a man and may become a source of violence when she does not comply with expectations. However, in recent years, modern household goods, large amounts of cash, and significant quantities of alcohol have increasingly replaced traditional agricultural products in these exchanges[11].
According to the memoirs of Tony Robinson-Smith, a Canadian writer, this practice does not take the form of a simple gift-giving ceremony but rather functions as a transaction. He explains that in one such ceremony, the groom and his clan were required to bring five pigs along with 2,000 kina; however, the bride’s family expected ten pigs and 10,000 kina. This difference led to negotiations and the groom’s promise to provide the remaining amount at a later time[12].
At times, however, only cash is exchanged instead of goods. According to SBS News, bride price payments in Papua New Guinea generally range from 2,500 kina (approximately 1,100 Australian dollars) to 300,000 kina (approximately 142,000 Australian dollars). Wealthier individuals sometimes pay up to 1 million kina (approximately 475,000 Australian dollars), either to demonstrate their social status or to acknowledge the status of the bride’s family[13].
Overall, many people in Papua New Guinea continue to support this tradition for social and cultural reasons, although some have warned about its potential for exploitation and abuse[14].
Challenges and Responses
- Geographical Isolation and the Country’s Geographic Situation
The extreme dispersion of the population, the mountainous nature of large parts of the country, the existence of hundreds of islands, and weak transportation and communication infrastructure have severely limited women’s and girls’ access to protective, medical, and judicial services.
In many rural and remote areas, victims of domestic or sexual violence effectively have no access to police services, healthcare facilities, courts, or safe shelters. As a result, they are often forced to rely on customary and tribal mechanisms, which frequently prioritize the preservation of social order or male interests rather than women’s rights and security.
This geographical isolation weakens state oversight of law enforcement, gender-sensitive data collection, and timely intervention by support institutions. Consequently, gender-based violence and discrimination have become invisible yet persistent phenomena in many areas. This situation has deepened the gap between the state’s human rights obligations and the lived experiences of women.
To better understand the country’s geographical circumstances, it is sufficient to compare Papua New Guinea with Belgium in order to illustrate population distribution and the remoteness of certain inhabited areas.
Belgium, with an area of approximately 30,000 square kilometers, had a population of around 11.8 million people as of January 2025[15]. In contrast, Papua New Guinea, with an area of approximately 462,000 square kilometers, has only around 10 million inhabitants as of 2026[16].
- Domestic Responses
In response to the phenomenon of gender-based violence against women, the central government of Papua New Guinea developed a program entitled “Papua New Guinea National Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender Based Violence 2016–2025.”
The report states that in four provinces, more than two-thirds of surveyed women reported having experienced some form of sexual violence. It identifies the social and cultural causes of this phenomenon as including rigid and inflexible gender roles, male authority over women, women’s limited access to formal employment and income, and cultural norms that tolerate or normalize male aggression and violence against women, among other factors.
The report further notes that 65.3 percent of 200 women surveyed in both urban and rural areas reported having experienced domestic violence. According to the Office of the Attorney General, 82 percent of sexual abuse cases in the capital city involved children.
A particularly significant finding is that 55 percent of women reported experiencing sexual coercion by their husbands. Ultimately, the report outlines four major strategies adopted by the government for the period from 2016 to 2025, although their effectiveness remains subject to doubt.
These strategies include:
- Strengthening governance and institutional structures to address and control gender-based violence;
- Standardizing and institutionalizing the collection of data related to gender-based violence;
- Improving the quality, continuity, and sustainability of services provided to survivors;
- Scaling up and standardizing gender-based violence prevention interventions throughout society[17].
Meanwhile, Papua New Guinea’s Prime Minister James Marape has condemned domestic violence in the country and called on men in Papua New Guinea to take responsibility for their families.
He made these remarks in relation to the recent case involving Peter O’Neill, the Member of Parliament for the Ialibu-Pangia Open Electorate and former Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea, after Linda Babao, his partner, obtained a police protection order against him.
Regarding this issue, Prime Minister James Marape stated:
“It is very disappointing to hear of this situation involving the Member for Ialibu-Pangia. This shows that domestic violence, regardless of class or social status, has become a scourge affecting every part of our society[18].”
- International Responses
The United States Institute of Peace (USIP) addressed this issue in a dedicated report entitled “Addressing Gendered Violence in Papua New Guinea: Opportunities and Options.”
The report states that statistics regarding gender inequality in Papua New Guinea present a bleak picture. Over the past decade, uneven economic development in the country has failed to eliminate gender disparities in education, employment, and access to essential services, while gender-based violence has continued to increase.
According to some estimates, more than 1.5 million people in Papua New Guinea are affected by gender-based violence every year. This violence is linked to inter-community conflicts, political threats, accusations related to sorcery, domestic violence, and intimate partner violence.
The country has the highest rate of intimate partner violence in East Asia and the Pacific region.
At the conclusion of the report, several recommendations are presented, including:
- Engaging with and supporting influential local leaders who actively work to resolve or prevent various forms of violence within families and communities;
- Establishing, supporting, and expanding networks of local leaders, community groups, and organizations;
- Providing alternatives to violent models of masculinity through engagement with men and boys;
- Promoting examples of effective violence prevention programs, among other measures[19].
The Global Women’s Institute at George Washington University and the International Development Law Organization (IDLO) have also examined the situation of gender-based violence in a study entitled “Survivor-Centred Justice for Gender-Based Violence in Complex Situations.”
This research examines gender-based violence in Afghanistan, Honduras, Tunisia, the Philippines, South Sudan, and Papua New Guinea.
The report states that Papua New Guinea’s ranking in the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Index and the Gender Inequality Index reflects extensive inequalities in areas including women’s reproductive health, education, political participation, and participation in the labor force.
Women have been largely excluded from political and administrative spheres. Throughout history, only a small number of women have entered parliament, and at the time of writing of this study, there were no women serving in parliament.
Levels of gender-based violence in the country have reached epidemic proportions and are among the highest rates worldwide. Numerous studies provide evidence of extremely high levels of violence experienced by women and girls throughout their lives.
The World Bank has also identified Papua New Guinea as one of the worst countries in the world regarding sexual violence, with 28 percent of women aged 15–49 reporting experiences of sexual violence committed by any person (not only an intimate partner).
According to this report, women in Papua New Guinea frequently experience acts such as forced nudity, sexual torture, and severe physical assault. Men, meanwhile, are more likely to experience forms of violence such as mutilation or killing with sharp weapons.
This demonstrates that violence in the country is not exclusively directed against women. According to the same report, in the Autonomous Region of Bougainville (Bougainville Region), 84 percent of victims are women, whereas in the Enga Province, 93 percent of victims are men.
Ultimately, the report emphasizes that violence has become a part of everyday life for many women and girls in Papua New Guinea, and that access to justice within this complex cultural, geographical, and structural environment remains extremely difficult[20].
Conclusion
The crisis of gender-based violence in Papua New Guinea cannot be understood merely as a collection of individual acts or isolated violations of women’s rights. Rather, this phenomenon has emerged and continues to be reproduced within a complex framework of historical, social, economic, cultural, and institutional factors.
The widespread prevalence of domestic violence, sexual violence, violence associated with accusations of sorcery, and barriers preventing women from accessing justice reveal a profound gap between the state’s formal commitments in the field of human rights protection and the daily realities experienced by many women and girls in the country.
In this context, weak institutional capacities, limited access to support services, the absence of effective accountability mechanisms, and the persistence of unequal social norms are among the most significant factors enabling the continuation of the cycle of violence.
Although the government of Papua New Guinea, civil society organizations, and international institutions have initiated various measures in recent years to address gender-based violence, support survivors, and reform protection structures, the continued high levels of violence demonstrate that confronting this crisis requires a multidimensional and long-term approach.
Reforming legislation and strengthening the judicial system, improving geographical and institutional access to support services, increasing women’s participation in political and social spheres, transforming cultural patterns that reproduce discrimination, and strengthening the role of local leaders in preventing violence are among the measures that can contribute to reducing this crisis.
The experience of Papua New Guinea demonstrates that the realization of women’s rights cannot be achieved solely through the adoption of protective legislation. Rather, it requires the creation of institutional capacity, transformation of social attitudes, and the guarantee of equal access to justice and protection for all members of society.
References
[1] Doctors Without Borders. (2025, August 1). Papua New Guinea: Strengthening healthcare for survivors of violence. Doctors Without Borders. From: https://msf.org.au/article/project-news/papua-new-guinea-strengthening-healthcare-survivors-violence
[2] Faa, M. (2025, November 24). PNG’s domestic violence crisis. ABC News. From: https://www.abc.net.au/listen/programs/am/png-s-domestic-violence-crisis/106043862
[3] McNamara, S. (22, July 2025). Supporting victims and survivors of violence in Papua New Guinea’s Highlands. Doctors Without Borders. From: https://www.msf.org/supporting-victims-and-survivors-violence-papua-new-guineas-highlands
[4] ABC News. (2025, November 24). Domestic abuse survivors in PNG have to ‘queue in front of the police station’ to report their husbands. ABC News. From: https://www.abc.net.au/news/2025-11-24/png-national-crisis-of-domestic-violence-port-moresby/106017140
[5] Louis, M., & Bush, R., & Harrison, V. (2025, August 27). The women breaking the cycle of violence in Papua New Guinea. The Guardian. From: https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2025/aug/27/reducing-violence-against-women-png-papua-new-guinea
[6] Human Rights Watch. (n.d). Papua New Guinea, Events of 2023. HRW. From: https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2024/country-chapters/papua-new-guinea
[7] Sustainable Development Goals Fund. (2015). Gender Violence in Papua New Guina. SDGF. From: https://www.sdgfund.org/gender-violence-papua-new-guinea
[8] Daniella Kakarere, M. (2024, January 18). Intimate partner violence in Port Moresby: drivers and outcomes. The Devpolicy Blog. From: https://devpolicy.org/intimate-partner-violence-in-port-moresby-drivers-and-outcomes-20240118/
[9] Mago-King, P. (2019, April). Violence Against Women in Papua New Guinea: The Representation of Women in Anti-violence Campaigns. Auckland University of Technology. From: https://openrepository.aut.ac.nz/server/api/core/bitstreams/0d54081e-46d9-4441-99e0-4d99f42c839c/content
[10] Kabuni, M. (2024, December 28). Foreign bride price: A Papua New Guinea guide to ‘marrying’ multiple partners. RNZ. From: https://www.rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/537723/foreign-bride-price-a-papua-new-guinea-guide-to-marrying-multiple-partners
[11] Melo, A. (2021, May 13). The Corruption of Bride Price. AUNA MELO. From: https://aunamelo.wordpress.com/2021/05/13/the-corruption-of-bride-price/
[12] Robinson-Smith, T. (n.d). Paying in Pigs in Papua New Guinea. Perceptive Travel. From: https://www.perceptivetravel.com/issues/0824/papua_new_guinea.html
[13] Nius, P. (2025, November 21). The Cost of Tradition: Bride Price in Modern PNG. Pawa. From: https://watchpawatv.com/the-cost-of-tradition-bride-price-in-modern-png/
[14] Gerawa, M. (2015, November). The Bride Price Tradition in Papua New Guinea. Women Across Frontiers. From: https://wafmag.org/2015/11/bride-price-tradition-papua-new-guinea/
[15] Statbel. (2025, June 11). Structure of the Population. Belgian Federal Government. From: https://statbel.fgov.be/en/themes/population/structure-population
[16] Worldometers. (2025, December 14). Papua New Guinea Population (LIVE)
retrieving data. Worldometers. From: https://www.worldometers.info/world-population/papua-new-guinea-population/
[17] Femili PNG. (2025). Papua New Guinea National Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender Based Violence 2016-2025. Femili PNG. From: https://femilipng.org/wp-content/uploads/National-Strategy-to-Prevent-and-Respond-to-GBV.pdf
[18] Department of Prime Minister and National Executive Council. (2024, November 6). PM Marape Condemns Domestic Violence; Calls on Men of PNG to Rise Up in Protection of Their Wives and Children. Department of Prime Minister and National Executive Council. From: https://www.pmnec.gov.pg/pm-marape-condemns-domestic-violence-calls-on-men-of-png-to-rise-up-in-protection-of-their-wives-and-children/
[19] Ashtari Abay, N., & Kuehnast, k., & Peake, G., & Demian, M. (2024, March). Addressing Gendered Violence in Papua New Guinea: Opportunities and Options. United States Institute of Peace. From: https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GOVPUB-Y3_P31-PURL-gpo223602/pdf/GOVPUB-Y3_P31-PURL-gpo223602.pdf
[20] IDLO., & The Global Women Institute. (2022). Survivor-Centred Justice for Gender-Based Violence in Complex Situations; Research report informed by case studies from Afghanistan, Honduras, Papua New Guinea, the Philippines, South Sudan, and Tunisia. IDLO., & The Global Women Institute. The Danish Refugee Appeals Board. From: https://fln.dk/media/2j5bjaai/fili103.pdf
